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Monday, 18 July 2011

Aadhaar: on a platform of myths

The Hindu : Opinion / Lead : Aadhaar: on a platform of myths

Nice Article a must Read:


The Aadhaar project, just as its failed counterpart in the U.K., stands on a platform of myths. India needs a mass campaign to expose these myths.
Two countries. Two pet projects of the respective Prime Ministers. Unmistakable parallels in the discourse. “The case for ID cards is a case not about liberty, but about the modern world,” wrote Tony Blair in November 2006, as he was mobilising support for his Identity Cards Bill, 2004. “Aadhaar…is symbolic of the new and modern India,” said Manmohan Singh in September 2010, as he distributed the first Aadhaar number in Nandurbar. “What we are trying to do with identity cards is make use of the modern technology,” said Mr. Blair. “Aadhaar project would use today's latest and modern technology,” said Dr. Singh. The similarities are endless.
Mr. Blair's celebrated push for identity cards ended in a political disaster for Labour. The British people resisted the project for over five years. Finally, the Cameron government scrapped the Identity Cards Act in 2010, thus abolishing identity cards and plans for a National Identity Register. On the other hand, India is enthusiastically pushing the Aadhaar, or unique identity (UID), project. The UID project has been integrated with the Home Ministry's National Population Register (NPR). The “National Identification Authority of India Bill” has been tabled in Parliament. Globally, observers of identity policies are watching if India learns anything from the “modern” world.
The experience with identity cards in the United Kingdom tells us that Mr. Blair's marketing of the scheme was from a platform of myths. First, he stated that enrolment for cards would be “voluntary”. Second, he argued that the card would reduce leakages from the National Health System and other entitlement programmes; David Blunkett even called it not an “identity card,” but an “entitlement card.” Third, Mr. Blair argued that the card would protect citizens from “terrorism” and “identity fraud.” For this, the biometric technology was projected as infallible.
All these claims were questioned by scholarly and public opinion. A meticulous report from the London School of Economics examined each claim and rejected them (see “High-cost, High-risk,” Frontline, August 14, 2009). This report argued that the government was making the card compulsory across such a wide range of schemes that it would, de facto, become compulsory. It also argued that the card would not end identity fraud in entitlement schemes. The reason: biometrics was not a reliable method of de-duplication.
The Indian discourse around Aadhaar is remarkably similar. Almost identical arguments are forwarded in support of the project to provide a population of over one billion people with UID numbers. I argue that Aadhaar, just as its failed counterpart in the U.K., is promoted from a platform of myths. Here, there is space for three big myths only.
Myth 1: Aadhaar number is not mandatory.
This is wrong; Aadhaar has stealthily been made mandatory. Aadhaar is explicitly linked to the preparation of the NPR. The Census of India website notes that “data collected in the NPR will be subjected to de-duplication by the UIDAI [Unique Identification Authority of India]. After de-duplication, the UIDAI will issue a UID Number. This UID Number will be part of the NPR and the NPR Cards will bear this UID Number.”
The NPR is the creation of an amendment in 2003 to the Citizenship Act of 1955. As per Rule 3(3) in the Citizenship Rules of 2003, information on every citizen in the National Register of Indian Citizens should compulsorily have his/her “National Identity Number.” Again, Rule 7(3) states that “it shall be the responsibility of every Citizen to register once with the Local Registrar of Citizen Registration and to provide correct individual particulars.” Still further, Rule 17 states that “any violation of provisions of rules 5, 7, 8, 10, 11 and 14 shall be punishable with fine which may extend to one thousand rupees.”
The conclusion is simple: Aadhaar has been made compulsory, even before passing the Bill concerned in Parliament. Under the project's guise, the State is coercing individuals to part with personal information; this coercion comes with a threat of punishment.
Myth 2: Aadhaar is just like the social security number (SSN) in the United States.
There is a world of difference between the SSN and Aadhaar. The SSN was introduced in the U.S. in 1936 to facilitate provision of social security benefits. A defining feature of SSN is that it is circumscribed by the Privacy Act of 1974. This Act states that “it shall be unlawful for any…government agency to deny to any individual any right, benefit, or privilege provided by law because of such individual's refusal to disclose his social security account number.” Further, federal agencies have to provide notice to, and obtain consent from, individuals before disclosing their SSNs to third parties.
The SSN was never conceived as an identity document. However, in the 2000s, SSN began to be used widely for proving one's identity at different delivery/access points. As a result, SSNs of individuals were exposed to a wide array of private players, which identity thieves used to access bank accounts, credit accounts, utilities records and other sources of personal information. In 2006, the Government Accountability Office noted that “over a 1-year period, nearly 10 million people — or 4.6 per cent of the adult U.S. population — discovered that they were victims of some form of identity theft, translating into estimated losses exceeding $50 billion.”
Following public outcry, the President appointed a Task Force on Identity Theft in 2007. Acting on its report, the President notified a plan: “Combating Identity Theft: A Strategic Plan.” This plan directed all government offices to “eliminate unnecessary uses of SSNs” and reduction and, where possible, elimination of the need to use SSN to identify individuals. It's quite the contrary in India. According to Nandan Nilekani, Aadhaar number would become “ubiquitous”; he has even advised people to “tattoo it somewhere,” lest they forget it!
Myth 3: Identity theft can be eliminated using biometrics.
There is consensus among scientists and legal experts regarding the limitations of biometrics in proving identity. First, no accurate information exists on whether the errors of matching fingerprints are negligible or non-existent. A small percentage of users would always be either falsely matched or not matched at all against the database.
Second, errors of matching would stand significantly amplified in countries like India. A report from 4G Identity Solutions, contracted by UIDAI for supply of biometric devices, notes that:
“It is estimated that approximately five per cent of any population has unreadable fingerprints, either due to scars or aging or illegible prints. In the Indian environment, experience has shown that the failure to enrol is as high as 15 per cent due to the prevalence of a huge population dependent on manual labour.”
A 15 per cent failure rate would mean the exclusion of over 200 million people. If fingerprint readers are installed at Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MNREGS) work sites and ration shops, and employment or purchases made contingent on correct authentication, about 200 million persons would remain permanently excluded from accessing such schemes.
The report of the UIDAI's “Biometrics Standards Committee” actually accepts these concerns as real. Its report notes that “fingerprint quality, the most important variable for determining de-duplication accuracy, has not been studied in depth in the Indian context.” However, this critical limitation of the technology has not prevented the government from leaping into the dark with this project, one whose cost would exceed Rs.50,000 crore.
It is said that the greatest enemy of truth is not the lie, but the myth. A democratic government should not undertake a project of the magnitude of Aadhaar from a platform of myths. The lesson from the U.K. experience is that myths perpetrated by governments can be exposed through consistent public campaigns. India direly needs a mass campaign that would expose the myths behind the Aadhaar project.
(R. Ramakumar is Associate Professor with the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.)

Infosys : New Executive Council

Information technology major Infosys on Saturday announced a 13-member executive council comprising members of the executive board and current executive council members besides the heads of key business units and strategic business enabler units.
The composition includes Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director S. Gopalakrishnan; Chief Operating Officer S. D. Shibulal; Director and Head (Delivery Excellence) Srinath Batni; and Chief Financial Officer V. Balakrishnan.
Commenting on the new executive council, Mr. Gopalakrishnan said: “The new executive council is a group of highly competent professionals who would closely work with the board in formulating the business strategy and framing policies for the organisation.”
This was one of the most significant announcements that would shape the Infosys of tomorrow, he added.
Other members of the council are: Ashok Vemuri (Senior Vice-President and Head — Banking and Capital Markets and Strategic Global Sourcing); B. G. Srinivas (Senior Vice-President and Head — Manufacturing, Product Engineering, Product Lifecycle and Engineering Solutions); Chandrashekar Kakal (Senior Vice-President — Enterprise Solutions); U. B. Pravin Rao (Senior Vice-President — Retail, CPG & Logistics); Prasad Thrikutam (Head, Energy, Utilities, Communications & Services); Steve Pratt (Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director, Infosys Consulting); Ramadas Kamath U. (Senior Vice-President, Administration, Commercial Facilities, Infrastructure); Nandita Gurjar ( Senior Vice-President and Group Head, Human Resources); and Basab Pradhan (Global Head of Sales).

ISRO-developed computer helped PSLV-C17 put satellite in orbit

Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV-C17) mission that put the communication satellite GSAT-12 in orbit on Friday was that it used an indigenous computer, Vikram, with advanced software in the rocket's navigation, guidance and control systems, said K. Radhakrishnan, Chairman, Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO). This advanced mission computer helped the rocket put the satellite accurately in orbit.


T.K. Alex, Director, ISRO Satellite Centre, Bangalore, said the coming days would be “interesting” because commands would be given from the Master Control Facility (MCF) at Hassan, Karnataka, to the liquid apogee motor (LAM) on board the GSAT-12 to take the satellite from its present sub geo-synchronous transfer orbit (GTO) to a circular geo-synchronous orbit at an altitude of 36,000 km. Dr. Alex was confident that the ISRO would do this with the experience gained from the Chandrayaan-1 mission in 2008, “which was almost similar” to the GSAT-12 mission.



S. Ramakrishnan, Director, Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre, ISRO, called Friday's success “yet another feather in the cap of the PSLV and the ISRO.”
A GSLV with an indigenous cryogenic stage would be launched from Sriharikota by June 2012, said P.S. Veeraraghavan, Director, Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre, Thiruvananthapuram.
Asked whether the PSLV-XL version would be used more often to put the ISRO's communication satellites in orbit than India's Geo-Synchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV) or the Ariane vehicle of Arianespace, Dr. Radhakrishnan said the GSLVs were “more efficient and powerful” than the PSLVs. The GSLVs could put a 2.2-tonne communication satellite in a GTO but the PSLV-XL version could put only a 1.4 tonne communication satellite in a sub-GTO.
The GSAT-12, with its 12 extended C-band transponders, would boost ISRO's transponder capacity from 175 to 187. The ISRO had 211 transponders from its communication satellites at the beginning of the 11th Plan but it went down to 141 by April 2011 because of a series of failures with the GSLV flights. Dr. Radhakrishnan was confident that the ISRO's transponder capacity would go up to 215 by April 2012 with a series of launches of communication satellites from India and abroad. For instance, the GSAT-10, with 30 transponders, would be launched by an Ariane vehicle from Kourou island in French Guiana in April 2012.
An arbitration process would get under way between Antrix Corporation, the commercial arm of the Department of Space, and the Devas Multimedia Private Limited if the negotiations between the senior officials of the ISRO and Devas did not fructify, the ISRO Chairman said. (The ISRO annulled the allocation of 3G spectrum to Devas after allegations were made that the spectrum was sold to Devas at a low price). If arbitration was resorted to, the ISRO and Devas would each name an arbitrator of their own and these two would name another arbitrator. During the arbitration, which would take place in New Delhi, the Indian laws apply, he added.
“Good progress” had been achieved in realising the orbiter, lander and rover of the Chandrayaan-2 mission, slated to take place in 2014, said Mr. Alex. While India would make the orbiter and the rover, Russia would contribute the lander. The rover was undergoing tests in Bangalore on how to cross the obstacles on the lunar soil. Its engineering model would soon be ready.





This is the third time it is putting a satellite in a geo-synchronous transfer orbit; Chandrayaan-1 mission experience fruitful
India's Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle proved its versatility and reliability once again when the PSLV-C17 put the communication satellite GSAT-12 in a perfect orbit on Friday. The rocket roared off the second launch pad from the spaceport here on the dot at 4.48 p.m. and effortlessly lobbed the 1,310-kg satellite in orbit after a 20-minute eventless flight.
This is the 18th successful flight of the PSLV in a row and this is the third time that it is putting a satellite in a geo-synchronous transfer orbit (GTO), which is a tricky business. And the PSLV proved its versatility because it is the more powerful XL version of the PSLV that put the GSAT-12 in orbit. There are three versions of the PSLV — the standard, the core-alone without the six strap-on booster motors, and the XL version, which carries more solid fuel in its strap-on motors than the standard version. All the three versions have proved to be unalloyed successes. An XL version had successfully put Chandrayaan-1 in a GTO in October 2008.
There were thick clouds as the PSLV-C17 lifted off majestically and disappeared into the clouds after a few seconds. It was a flawless mission with the four stages of the PSLV-C17 igniting and separating on time and the fourth stage putting the satellite accurately in orbit.

“Important mission”

K. Radhakrishnan, Chairman, Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), called it an “important mission, both from the technological angle and for the people of the country.” The mission was so perfect that the rocket put the satellite in a sub-GTO with an apogee of 21,020 km against the planned 21,000 km and a perigee of 284 km against a targeted 281 km. The GSAT-12 with its 12 extended C-band transponders would be used in tele-medicine, tele-education, village resource centres and supporting disaster management. Though putting the GSAT-12 in a sub-GTO was “a tricky mission,” Dr. Radhakrishnan said, the ISRO was successful in doing it with the experience gained from the Chandrayaan-1 mission.
P.S. Veeraraghavan, Director, Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre, Thiruvananthapuram, called the PSLV “a proud symbol of ISRO's self-reliance.”
T.K. Alex, Director, ISRO Satellite Centre, Bangalore, said the GSAT-12's solar panels were deployed, they started rotating and commands were given to turn the panels towards the Sun to generate power.

The Hindu : News / National : Court order goes against Doctrine of Separation of Powers: Centre

The Hindu : News / National : Court order goes against Doctrine of Separation of Powers: Centre


The Centre, while seeking to recall/modify the July 4 Supreme Court order on the black money issue, has disputed the finding that certain admissions and concessions were made by the government counsel during the course of hearing of the petition filed by the former Union Law Minister, Ram Jethmalani.
On July 15, the Centre filed an application for recall of the order (briefly published on July 16). According to the application (a copy of which is obtained by The Hindu), “The order proceeds on the admission, concessions, statements and acknowledgements attributed to counsel appearing for the Union of India. Such concessions, statements, admissions and acknowledgements do not appear to have been made and, therefore, the order proceeds on an incorrect factual basis.”
“Without jurisdiction”
It said: “The order is without jurisdiction in as much as it impinges upon and goes contrary to the legally well-established Doctrine of Separation of Powers. It is contrary to the settled legal principle that the function of the court is to see that Lawful Authority is duly exercised by the Executive, and not to take over itself the tasks entrusted to the Executive. It impinges upon the well-settled principle that courts do not interfere with the Economic Policy, which is in the domain of the Executive and that it is not the function of the court to sit in judgment over matters of Economic Policy, which must necessarily be left to the expert bodies. Courts do not supplant the views of experts with its own views.”
The Centre said: “The order impinges upon the principle that in matters of utilities, tax and economic policy, legislation and regulation cases, the court exercises judicial self-restraint if not judicial deference to the acts of the Executive, since the Executive has obligations and responsibility both constitutionally and statutorily. The discussions of economic theories and the wide-ranging criticism of the state in paras 1 to 20 are uncalled for, unjustified and made without any discussion in court or material therefore.”
The order “has the effect of completely eliminating the role and denuding the constitutional responsibility of the Executive, which itself is answerable to Parliament, and it directly interferes with the functions and obligations of the Executive, more particularly, since it is ordered that the Special Investigation Team will report directly to the Supreme Court, therefore excluding the Executive, and consequently Parliament also.
Steps taken
Explaining the steps to recover black money, the Centre said: “The government has detected an unaccounted income of Rs.18,750 crore in the last two financial years alone, due to focussed search and seizure operations by the Income Tax Department in India. The sharp focus on mispricing, which is one of the main and new methods of transfer of illicit funds outside the country, has resulted in detection of mispricing of Rs.33,784 crore in the last two financial years, as against detection of mispricing of Rs.14,655 crore in the previous five financial years. The special attention on cross-border transactions and business deals has resulted in collection of taxes of Rs.22, 697crore in the last financial year.”
On steps to retrieve black money stashed away abroad, the application said: “India has initiated the process of negotiations with 74 countries to broaden the scope of the Article concerning Exchange of Information to specifically allow for exchange of banking information and information without domestic interest. As on date, it has completed negotiations with 19 existing DTAA countries to update this Article. These agreements have also been initialled. Eighteen new DTAAs have also been finalised where the Exchange of Information Article is in line with international standards.”

Environmental policy of the Government of India - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Environmental policy of the Government of India - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


LegislationYearDomainProtected areasUse of other
natural resources
Indian Forest Act1927British IndiaDeveloped procedures for setting up and protection ofreserved forests, protected forests, and village forestsRegulation of movement and transit of forest produce with duties on such produce. Special focus on timber
1st Five Year Plan1951
2nd Five Year Plan1956
3rd Five Year Plan1961
4th Five Year Plan1969
Wildlife Protection Act1972India except J&KFormalization of national parks, wildlife sanctuaries,conservation reserves and community reserves. Protection to habitat and wildlife within premises of such protected areas.
Development of National Board for Wildlife and State Boards for Wildlife for identification of future protected areas.
Penal codes for animalpoaching, and trade in products derived from protected animals
5th Five Year Plan1974
6th Five Year Plan1978
7th Five Year Plan1980. Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980 (with Amendments Made in 1988)environment protection act 1986 (23 May 1986)
I it is a legeslation which signifies the central governments determination to take effective steps to protect the environment.
stating that: No State Government or other authority shall make any order directing-
  • (i) that any reserved forest shall cease to be reserved;
  • (ii) that any forest land or any portion thereof may be used for any non-forest purpose;
  • (iii) that any forest land or any portion thereof may be assigned by way of lease or otherwise to any private person or to any authority, corporation, agency or any other organisation not owned, managed or controlled by Government;
  • (iv) that any forest land or any portion thereof may be cleared of trees which have grown naturally in that land or portion, for the purpose of using it for reafforestation.
8th Five Year Plan1992
9th Five Year Plan1997
10th Five Year Plan2002
11th Five Year Plan2007

Estimates Committee

ESTIMATES COMMITTEE
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The Estimates Committee, constituted for the first time in 1950, is a Parliamentary Committee consisting of 30 Members, elected every year by the Lok Sabha from amongst its Members. The Chairman of the Committee is appointed by the Speaker from amongst its members. A Minister cannot be elected as a member of the Committee and if a member after his election to the Committee, is appointed a Minister, he ceases to be a member of the Committee from the date of such appointment.

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The term of office of the Committee is one year.


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The functions of the Estimates Committee are:

(a) to report what economies, improvements in organisation, efficiency or administrative reform, consistent with the policy underlying the estimates may be effected;

(b) to suggest alternative policies in order to bring about efficiency and economy in administration;

(c) to examine whether the money is well laid out within the limits of the policy implied in the estimates; and

(d) to suggest the form in which the estimates shall be presented to Parliament.

The Committee does not exercise its functions in relation to such Public Undertakings as are allotted to the Committee on Public Undertakings by the Rules of Procedure of Lok Sabha or by the Speaker.

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Soon after it is constituted, the Committee selects such of the estimates pertaining to a Ministry/Department of the Central Government or such of the statutory and other bodies of the Central Government as may seem fit to the Committee. The Committee also examines matters of special interest which may arise or come to light in the course of its work or which are specifically referred to it by the House or the Speaker.

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The observations/recommendations of the Committee are embodied in its Reports which are presented to Lok Sabha. After a Report has been presented to the House the Ministry or Department concerned is required to take action on the recommendations and conclusions contained in the Report within a period of six months. The replies of the Government are examined by the Committee and an Action Taken Report is presented to the House. The replies to the recommendations contained in the Action Taken Reports are laid on the Table of Lok Sabha in the form of Statements.

Achievements

Since its inception in April, 1950, the Committee has presented 922 Reports covering almost all the Ministries/ Departments of the Government of India. Out of these 480 are the Original Reports and 442 are Reports on Action Taken by the Government on earlier Reports of the Committee.