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Thursday, 21 July 2011

Ashokan Dhamma


Ashokan Dhamma


Ashokan Dhamma was the most discussed religious policy ever adopted by King Ashoka. Ashokan Dhamma disseminated teachings and knowledge of the Buddhist scriptures.


Ashoka was the first king of the Maurya Dynasty who accepted Buddhism not only as his personal religion but also established it as his state religion. Ashoka followed a religious policy of his own and is remembered by posterity for his famous policy of "Dhamma" or "Law of Piety". After converting into Buddhism, Ashoka disseminated the teachings and knowledge of the Buddhist scriptures. He always had faith in morals and principles and had high ideals in life. These came to be known as Dhamma of Emperor Ashoka. 


The word "Dhamma" is the Prakrit version of the Sanskrit word "Dharma" and Ashoka`s Dhamma is a philosophical entity that highlighted on the high ideals and spiritual enlightenment as a key to successful life. When Pillar Edict II was translated, it described the "middle path", the way to enlightenment through Dharma that Buddha taught in his first sermon. Ashoka aspired for a harmonious environment where everyone could co-exist peacefully irrespective of his or her caste creed and religion. Some of his ideals were to shun war and spread peace, stop animal sacrifices, respect elders, masters treating slaves like humans, promoting vegetarianism, etc. These ideals if followed correctly led one to a higher level of living and one could finally attain "nirvana". As an able king, Ashoka took up the initiative and introduced welfare programs for the subjects, which was also one of the policies of his "Dhamma". Ashoka appointed Dhamma Mahamattas who were basically officers looking after the spread of these principles across Ashoka`s empire. Ashoka propagated the principles of Dhamma not just in India but also in countries like Sri Lanka, Burma and other South East Asian nations. 


Ashoka`s religious policy of "Dhamma" had carved out a permanent place for him in the niche of ancient Indian history. However there is a keen controversy among the historians about the religious policy of "Dhamma" and they have put forward several queries regarding the true character of Dhamma and its association with Buddhism. Historians have defined that Ashoka`s personal religion and his attachment with Dhamma was completely different from each other. They have also added that Ashoka`s association with the high ideals of Buddhism was gradual and not a sudden outcome of impulse. Since the rock edicts of Ashoka do not provide any information about the association of Dhamma with Buddhism, historians are at variance regarding this point. Moreover Ashoka in his edicts do not mention the name of any Buddhist monk or any guru or teacher who showed him the path for Enlightenment. 


Dhamma as reported by the historians was a policy of Ashoka in order to unify a nation so large that the people of one region could share the little in common with those of other regions. Dharma would bring harmony to India in the form of compassion. Serving as a guiding light, a voice of conscience, dharma can lead one to be a respectful, responsible human being. Edward D`cruz interprets the Ashokan dharma as a "religion to be used as a symbol of a new imperial unity and a cementing force to blend the diverse and heterogeneous elements of the empire". 


However, one of the elementary questions is the chronology of Ashoka`s preaching of Dhamma. According to Bhandarkar, Ashoka became a Buddhist in the 9th year of his reign, the year after the conquest of Kalinga. But other scholars confirm his attachment towards Buddhist Church in the 8th year of his reign. Bongard Levin however concluded a critical study of the evidences gathered from Rock edict XIII. According to him, Ashoka`s personal attachment towards Buddhism and his propagation of the ideals of Dhamma are completely different from one another. Personally Ashoka was a benevolent king who followed the duties of an ideal king before embracing Buddhism. "Dhamma" did not influence the personal religion followed by Ashoka. 

Wednesday, 20 July 2011

Kyoto Protocol


The Kyoto Protocol is an international agreement linked to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The major feature of the Kyoto Protocol is that it sets binding targets for 37 industrialized countries and the European community for reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions .These amount to an average of five per cent against 1990 levels over the five-year period 2008-2012.


The major distinction between the Protocol and the Convention is that while the Conventionencouraged industrialised countries to stabilize GHG emissions, the Protocol commits them to do so.


Recognizing that developed countries are principally responsible for the current high levels of GHG emissions in the atmosphere as a result of more than 150 years of industrial activity, the Protocol places a heavier burden on developed nations under the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities.”
The Kyoto Protocol was adopted in Kyoto, Japan, on 11 December 1997 and entered into force on 16 February 2005. The detailed rules for the implementation of the Protocol were adopted at COP 7 in Marrakesh in 2001, and are called the “Marrakesh Accords.”




The Kyoto mechanisms
Under the Treaty, countries must meet their targets primarily through national measures. However, the Kyoto Protocol offers them an additional means of meeting their targets by way of three market-based mechanisms.
The Kyoto mechanisms are:
  • Emissions trading – known as “the carbon market" 
  • Clean development mechanism (CDM)
  • Joint implementation (JI).
The mechanisms help stimulate green investment and help Parties meet their emission targets in a cost-effective way.


Monitoring emission targets


Under the Protocol, countries’actual emissions have to be monitored and precise records have to be kept of the trades carried out.
Registry systems track and record transactions by Parties under the mechanisms. The UN Climate Change Secretariat, based in Bonn, Germany, keeps an international transaction log to verify that transactions are consistent with the rules of the Protocol.
Reporting is done by Parties by way of submitting annual emission inventories and national reports under the Protocol at regular intervals.
A compliance system ensures that Parties are meeting their commitments and helps them to meet their commitments if they have problems doing so.


Adaptation


The Kyoto Protocol, like the Convention, is also designed to assist countries in adapting to the adverse effects of climate change. It facilitates the development and deployment of techniques that can help increase resilience to the impacts of climate change.
The Adaptation Fund was established to finance adaptation projects and programmes in developing countries that are Parties to the Kyoto Protocol. The Fund is financed mainly with a share of proceeds from CDM project activities.


The road ahead
The Kyoto Protocol is generally seen as an important first step towards a truly global emission reduction regime that will stabilize GHG emissions, and provides the essential architecture for any future international agreement on climate change.
By the end of the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol in 2012, a new international framework needs to have been negotiated and ratified that can deliver the stringent emission reductions the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has clearly indicated are needed.

Monday, 18 July 2011

Aadhaar: on a platform of myths

The Hindu : Opinion / Lead : Aadhaar: on a platform of myths

Nice Article a must Read:


The Aadhaar project, just as its failed counterpart in the U.K., stands on a platform of myths. India needs a mass campaign to expose these myths.
Two countries. Two pet projects of the respective Prime Ministers. Unmistakable parallels in the discourse. “The case for ID cards is a case not about liberty, but about the modern world,” wrote Tony Blair in November 2006, as he was mobilising support for his Identity Cards Bill, 2004. “Aadhaar…is symbolic of the new and modern India,” said Manmohan Singh in September 2010, as he distributed the first Aadhaar number in Nandurbar. “What we are trying to do with identity cards is make use of the modern technology,” said Mr. Blair. “Aadhaar project would use today's latest and modern technology,” said Dr. Singh. The similarities are endless.
Mr. Blair's celebrated push for identity cards ended in a political disaster for Labour. The British people resisted the project for over five years. Finally, the Cameron government scrapped the Identity Cards Act in 2010, thus abolishing identity cards and plans for a National Identity Register. On the other hand, India is enthusiastically pushing the Aadhaar, or unique identity (UID), project. The UID project has been integrated with the Home Ministry's National Population Register (NPR). The “National Identification Authority of India Bill” has been tabled in Parliament. Globally, observers of identity policies are watching if India learns anything from the “modern” world.
The experience with identity cards in the United Kingdom tells us that Mr. Blair's marketing of the scheme was from a platform of myths. First, he stated that enrolment for cards would be “voluntary”. Second, he argued that the card would reduce leakages from the National Health System and other entitlement programmes; David Blunkett even called it not an “identity card,” but an “entitlement card.” Third, Mr. Blair argued that the card would protect citizens from “terrorism” and “identity fraud.” For this, the biometric technology was projected as infallible.
All these claims were questioned by scholarly and public opinion. A meticulous report from the London School of Economics examined each claim and rejected them (see “High-cost, High-risk,” Frontline, August 14, 2009). This report argued that the government was making the card compulsory across such a wide range of schemes that it would, de facto, become compulsory. It also argued that the card would not end identity fraud in entitlement schemes. The reason: biometrics was not a reliable method of de-duplication.
The Indian discourse around Aadhaar is remarkably similar. Almost identical arguments are forwarded in support of the project to provide a population of over one billion people with UID numbers. I argue that Aadhaar, just as its failed counterpart in the U.K., is promoted from a platform of myths. Here, there is space for three big myths only.
Myth 1: Aadhaar number is not mandatory.
This is wrong; Aadhaar has stealthily been made mandatory. Aadhaar is explicitly linked to the preparation of the NPR. The Census of India website notes that “data collected in the NPR will be subjected to de-duplication by the UIDAI [Unique Identification Authority of India]. After de-duplication, the UIDAI will issue a UID Number. This UID Number will be part of the NPR and the NPR Cards will bear this UID Number.”
The NPR is the creation of an amendment in 2003 to the Citizenship Act of 1955. As per Rule 3(3) in the Citizenship Rules of 2003, information on every citizen in the National Register of Indian Citizens should compulsorily have his/her “National Identity Number.” Again, Rule 7(3) states that “it shall be the responsibility of every Citizen to register once with the Local Registrar of Citizen Registration and to provide correct individual particulars.” Still further, Rule 17 states that “any violation of provisions of rules 5, 7, 8, 10, 11 and 14 shall be punishable with fine which may extend to one thousand rupees.”
The conclusion is simple: Aadhaar has been made compulsory, even before passing the Bill concerned in Parliament. Under the project's guise, the State is coercing individuals to part with personal information; this coercion comes with a threat of punishment.
Myth 2: Aadhaar is just like the social security number (SSN) in the United States.
There is a world of difference between the SSN and Aadhaar. The SSN was introduced in the U.S. in 1936 to facilitate provision of social security benefits. A defining feature of SSN is that it is circumscribed by the Privacy Act of 1974. This Act states that “it shall be unlawful for any…government agency to deny to any individual any right, benefit, or privilege provided by law because of such individual's refusal to disclose his social security account number.” Further, federal agencies have to provide notice to, and obtain consent from, individuals before disclosing their SSNs to third parties.
The SSN was never conceived as an identity document. However, in the 2000s, SSN began to be used widely for proving one's identity at different delivery/access points. As a result, SSNs of individuals were exposed to a wide array of private players, which identity thieves used to access bank accounts, credit accounts, utilities records and other sources of personal information. In 2006, the Government Accountability Office noted that “over a 1-year period, nearly 10 million people — or 4.6 per cent of the adult U.S. population — discovered that they were victims of some form of identity theft, translating into estimated losses exceeding $50 billion.”
Following public outcry, the President appointed a Task Force on Identity Theft in 2007. Acting on its report, the President notified a plan: “Combating Identity Theft: A Strategic Plan.” This plan directed all government offices to “eliminate unnecessary uses of SSNs” and reduction and, where possible, elimination of the need to use SSN to identify individuals. It's quite the contrary in India. According to Nandan Nilekani, Aadhaar number would become “ubiquitous”; he has even advised people to “tattoo it somewhere,” lest they forget it!
Myth 3: Identity theft can be eliminated using biometrics.
There is consensus among scientists and legal experts regarding the limitations of biometrics in proving identity. First, no accurate information exists on whether the errors of matching fingerprints are negligible or non-existent. A small percentage of users would always be either falsely matched or not matched at all against the database.
Second, errors of matching would stand significantly amplified in countries like India. A report from 4G Identity Solutions, contracted by UIDAI for supply of biometric devices, notes that:
“It is estimated that approximately five per cent of any population has unreadable fingerprints, either due to scars or aging or illegible prints. In the Indian environment, experience has shown that the failure to enrol is as high as 15 per cent due to the prevalence of a huge population dependent on manual labour.”
A 15 per cent failure rate would mean the exclusion of over 200 million people. If fingerprint readers are installed at Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MNREGS) work sites and ration shops, and employment or purchases made contingent on correct authentication, about 200 million persons would remain permanently excluded from accessing such schemes.
The report of the UIDAI's “Biometrics Standards Committee” actually accepts these concerns as real. Its report notes that “fingerprint quality, the most important variable for determining de-duplication accuracy, has not been studied in depth in the Indian context.” However, this critical limitation of the technology has not prevented the government from leaping into the dark with this project, one whose cost would exceed Rs.50,000 crore.
It is said that the greatest enemy of truth is not the lie, but the myth. A democratic government should not undertake a project of the magnitude of Aadhaar from a platform of myths. The lesson from the U.K. experience is that myths perpetrated by governments can be exposed through consistent public campaigns. India direly needs a mass campaign that would expose the myths behind the Aadhaar project.
(R. Ramakumar is Associate Professor with the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.)

Infosys : New Executive Council

Information technology major Infosys on Saturday announced a 13-member executive council comprising members of the executive board and current executive council members besides the heads of key business units and strategic business enabler units.
The composition includes Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director S. Gopalakrishnan; Chief Operating Officer S. D. Shibulal; Director and Head (Delivery Excellence) Srinath Batni; and Chief Financial Officer V. Balakrishnan.
Commenting on the new executive council, Mr. Gopalakrishnan said: “The new executive council is a group of highly competent professionals who would closely work with the board in formulating the business strategy and framing policies for the organisation.”
This was one of the most significant announcements that would shape the Infosys of tomorrow, he added.
Other members of the council are: Ashok Vemuri (Senior Vice-President and Head — Banking and Capital Markets and Strategic Global Sourcing); B. G. Srinivas (Senior Vice-President and Head — Manufacturing, Product Engineering, Product Lifecycle and Engineering Solutions); Chandrashekar Kakal (Senior Vice-President — Enterprise Solutions); U. B. Pravin Rao (Senior Vice-President — Retail, CPG & Logistics); Prasad Thrikutam (Head, Energy, Utilities, Communications & Services); Steve Pratt (Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director, Infosys Consulting); Ramadas Kamath U. (Senior Vice-President, Administration, Commercial Facilities, Infrastructure); Nandita Gurjar ( Senior Vice-President and Group Head, Human Resources); and Basab Pradhan (Global Head of Sales).